The CIA Asset That Funded The Oklahoma City Bombing
fr, that is not an exaggeration
The following is an excerpt from a longer piece in preparation describing the involvement of several individuals with known or alleged ties to the Central Intelligence Agency in the Oklahoma City bombing, the deadliest domestic terror attack in United States history. In the sanctioned version of events, easily found on e.g. Wikipedia, US Army veterans Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, whipped into anti-government rage by the massacres at Ruby Ridge and Waco, constructed a large truck bomb with no significant help from any other individuals and detonated it outside the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19th, 1995, killing at least 168 people. This narrative is patently false; others were clearly involved in the bombing, a fact that was confirmed in no uncertain terms by both Terry Nichols and Tim McVeigh multiple times to multiple people. In this excerpt, I explore the story of Roger Moore, an especially interesting character who both Nichols and McVeigh have suggested played a much larger role in the events leading up to the Oklahoma City bombing than is publicly acknowledged.
It appears that Timothy McVeigh’s first contact after embarking upon the national gun show circuit in early 1993 was a man with extensive alleged CIA connections. This man’s name was Roger Moore (no, not that Roger Moore). We will delve into the rumors and facts about Moore’s intelligence affiliations soon, but first it will be useful to sketch an outline of the relationship between Moore and McVeigh. An FBI 302 (i.e. an interview report form) detailing a May 1995 interview  with Moore describes the first meeting between McVeigh and Moore as having occurred in Florida at a gun show in January of 1993. As Moore told the story, McVeigh was at the show selling various trinkets and bits of racist paraphernalia, and they met when Moore approached his table to purchase a clock and a Confederate flag. Evidently the two hit it off, as they soon made plans to meet up and split a table at another Florida gun show the following month.
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Their next meeting resulted in an invitation from Moore for McVeigh to come stay at his ranch in Arkansas, and McVeigh took him up on this, visiting repeatedly for a day or two at a time during his trips criss-crossing the United States to visit gun shows and peddle wares in 1993-1994. McVeigh would stop by the ranch and help Moore’s girlfriend Karen Anderson with odd jobs for small quantities of cash , and he also attended several gun shows with one or both of the couple. On at least one occasion McVeigh, accompanied by Anderson, even trafficked arms for Moore from Arkansas to Florida . Interestingly, the weapons were going to a group planning a coup against Fidel Castro. More on that later.
Despite what appears to be a fairly close relationship between McVeigh and Moore, in late 1994 McVeigh enlisted Terry Nichols in a plot to rob Moore’s ranch to acquire funds for the bombing they were planning. In fact, Nichols alleges that McVeigh threatened to harm Nichols and his family if he did not participate . But Nichols also says that McVeigh reassured him: “[I]t will be much easier than you think. Moore will be like a kitten and will give you absolutely no trouble at all – just trust me.” Eventually Nichols acceded, and McVeigh gave him very specific instructions about how the operation had to be conducted and what to expect at the ranch, down to the precise time (9:00 AM) that Moore would step outside his house on the morning of the robbery. So, on November 5th, 1994, Nichols robbed him. Or did he?
He did. Well, maybe. It depends on your definition of “robbery” – can somebody be “robbed” when they’re in on the plot? In addition to stepping out of his house into Nichols’ clutches at the time McVeigh said he would, Moore had also conveniently parked his van right next to the ranch’s door, allowing Nichols to easily and quickly transfer the items he was stealing into the van, which he also stole. After the robbery, when Nichols returned to Kansas to meet with McVeigh, McVeigh somehow already knew it had gone off without a hitch, which suggests Moore had contacted him afterward. Nichols is alleged to have taken over 70 guns from Moore’s ranch, which Moore claimed were all stored in a closet in the master bedroom. But according to Rick Spivey, an insurance claims adjuster who evaluated Moore’s story, this “just doesn’t make sense” . Given the lack of closet space and absence of gun safes on the property, Spivey was skeptical that those guns could have been kept in storage at the ranch at all, let alone in just the master bedroom.
Spivey also said he thought Moore was reciting a “rehearsed script” when discussing the robbery. A neighbor, Walt Powell, said that Moore had acted insincerely and that the robbery was a “put on.” Walt’s wife Verta “recalled Roger Moore using her telephone conversing in a ‘low voice’ to ‘some person,’ explaining what had happened in the robbery” (McVeigh?). Lance, son of the Powells, noted that his father had to “coax” Moore into calling the cops when he came to their home after the robbery. The police officer that responded to Moore’s call later branded the case “bullshit” . And the timeline of the bombing compiled by the US Secret Service states that its initial analysis of a letter from Moore to McVeigh dated 04/19/1995 “indicates that Moore and McVeigh set up the robbery” . Inconsistencies in the stories Moore told of the robbery (many of them detailed in a Nichols defense team memorandum ) lend further credence to the idea that he was misrepresenting what happened. So what was really going on?
One straightforward possibility is that Moore was collaborating with McVeigh in a ruse to provide funds for the bombing while maintaining plausible deniability surrounding his involvement. Nichols sure thinks so – in the court declaration cited earlier , he claims that McVeigh explicitly told him that he was “chosen to carry out the robbery so that if Moore was polygraphed he could truthfully testify that he did not know the robber” and that “the purpose of the robbery was so nobody could link Moore to McVeigh and the bombing.” He also described Moore, Karen Anderson, and the gun show circuit they traversed with McVeigh as the “ ‘network’ [McVeigh] used to obtain materials, people and knowledge with which to carry [out] the Oklahoma City bombing.” From prison, Nichols sent letters to the grandmother of two victims of the bombing and to several fellow inmates in which he claimed that Moore provided the explosives that were used to detonate the bomb and that Moore helped McVeigh case out potential bombing targets . In the same letters, he described the location of a box of explosive components in the basement of his old home that prior investigations had missed, which he claimed sported a label addressed to “Robert Miller,” a known alias of Roger Moore, and which he was confident would be covered with Moore’s fingerprints . The box was found exactly where Nichols said it would be , but according to Wendy Painting’s Aberration in the Heartland of the Real (from here on referred to as Aberration), the FBI waited years to analyze the fingerprints on the box, by which point they could not provide a conclusive identification. For his part, McVeigh told his attorneys that Moore sold him several batches of Kinestik explosives, and that “if Moore ever decided to testify against him, that there was enough evidence available to sink Roger Moore” . And it is noteworthy that Moore was reported  by a bondsman to have tried to bail McVeigh out when he was jailed the day of the bombing after being pulled over for a minor traffic infraction and arrested for illegal possession of a firearm. This all seems to point toward Moore’s involvement in the bomb plot.
So, who was Roger Moore, and why did he seemingly work to assist McVeigh in executing the bombing? When McVeigh met him, the image Moore projected was essentially that of an anti-government extremist, travelling to gun shows to sell ammunition, firearm components, and bootlegged pornography to other rightwing militants [see e.g. 1, 2]. But Moore’s extensive history of government employment does not fit with this persona. Drawing on a biographical memo about Moore produced by Nichols’ defense team , some facts include that Moore served in the Social Security Administration and the Air Force; that Moore and his wife Carol held Top Secret security clearances while working for North American Aviation (a government contractor and precursor to Boeing that built a variety of iconic aircraft ); and that Moore became wealthy via a series of boat-building businesses in Florida in the 1960s and ‘70s, which attracted contracts to make patrol boats for use by the US Navy in the Vietnam War  as well as speedboats for the CIA (according to Aberration). Purportedly, the money he accumulated in the boat biz—millions of dollars, according to an employee at a securities firm where Moore was a client —is what allowed him to stop working and pursue his other interests (e.g. networking across the country with extremists).
But there are abundant hints that deeper connections between Roger Moore and the federal government persisted long after the end of his official employment, several of which are detailed in a previously-cited Nichols defense memo . After all, why else would he pop up talking to cops in no fewer than six separate video tapes made during a law enforcement sting operation called “Operation Punchout”  that resulted in several arrests for the theft and sale of military property in 1988? Why else would the ATF abruptly and without explanation drop an investigation into reports that Moore was illegally selling the powerful explosive C-4? Why else would Moore explicitly describe himself as a “protected witness” when his attorney told him during an argument that he hoped Moore would be indicted for funding the Oklahoma City bombing [see also 10]? Why else would he lament that “whatever I was doing for the FBI is fucked up because they blew my cover” without further elaboration in a discussion with Arkansas Democrat-Gazette reporter Rodney Bowers? These events and statements are very easy to explain if Moore was working for the government, and they are very difficult to explain otherwise. And to make matters better (worse?), Moore’s links don’t seem to be limited to law enforcement agencies like the FBI. A series of intelligence-sourced rumors about Moore that have not yet been publicly confirmed, the anti-communist paramilitary organizations with which Moore was affiliated, and a curious highly-redacted document about Moore all suggest a longstanding and under-appreciated relationship between Moore and the CIA.
Direct claims of Moore’s CIA employment come from former intelligence operatives who spoke on condition of anonymity to OKC bombing investigators. This necessarily means these claims are unverified, but some credibility is provided by the fact that a CIA relationship is alleged by multiple sources, one of whom was later revealed to be a credible whistleblower. David Hoffman’s The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror , published in 1998, claims: “A retired CIA/DIA agent I spoke to in Arkansas, said ‘[Moore] was an Agency contractor.’ ” Consistent with this, a “former intelligence operative” told retired Marine Lieutenant Colonel and intelligence specialist  Roger Charles that Moore “taught sabotage techniques for the CIA at the Camp Peary military base in Virginia” in a 1997 interview that served as source material for Charles’ 2012 book with Andrew Gumbel, Oklahoma City: What the Investigation Missed, and Why It Still Matters. In 2020, in a phone call and an email, Charles revealed to Oklahoma City bombing researcher Richard Booth that he had received this
information from William T. Golden (personal communication). Golden was a civilian with decades of experience in Army intelligence work who had blown the whistle multiple times in the late 80s and early 90s regarding corruption he observed in Pentagon operations, at significant cost to his career [16, 17, 18]. Arguably, this suggests some degree of integrity and commitment to the truth, which should bolster confidence in his allegation that Moore was employed by the CIA at Camp Peary. Taken in isolation from other evidence, these claims may not make an airtight case for Moore’s being affiliated with the CIA. But the relationship becomes more plausible in light of the fact that Moore apparently spent years providing funds and arms to groups suspected of having deep ties to the Agency.
Civilian Materiel Assistance (CMA; a.k.a. Civilian Military Assistance) was a group organized in 1983 to provide aid to Central American anti-communist fighters, primarily the Contra guerrillas of Nicaragua. Roger Moore was involved with the group during the 1980s and afterward , serving as CMA’s “paymaster” according to David Hoffman in his book The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror. From its early days, CMA was dogged by allegations of support from the CIA as a key part of Oliver North’s private aid network, set up to circumvent legal restrictions Congress had placed on US government assistance to the Contras . Direct government ties have been denied by CMA’s founder Tom Posey , but numerous reports appear to contradict him (and Posey himself may have been a government asset [e.g. 22]). For example, according to the book Revolutionaries for the Right by Kyle Burke, citing “a series of cables from U.S. Embassy in Honduras” stored in the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, “[i]n 1984, the CMA secured several CIA contracts through its liaison with the U.S. Ambassador in Honduras, John Negroponte.” This might explain why two CMA members were killed when their CIA-provided  helicopter was shot down in Nicaragua by Sandinistas during a Contra raid that same year. Top Secret memos written by Oliver North show that North himself and at least one high-ranking CIA official, Duane Clarridge, had foreknowledge of the raid and the involvement of the CMA members, and afterward North promptly set to work arranging for the purchase of a replacement helicopter . Jack Terrell, a leader of CMA , was also a CIA employee , and one of his CMA underlings claimed the CIA provided his camp in Nicaragua with a $60,000 radio system . The aforementioned Duane Clarridge (a CIA counterterror chief) was forced to resign from his post in 1987 in part due to his improper protection of Terrell and other CIA/CMA members during questioning before the House and Senate intelligence committees . Clarridge was also described as the “mastermind” behind the CIA’s mining of Nicaragua’s harbors in 1984, which is especially notable when coupled with the fact that at least four sources of varying credibility (an investigative memo from McVeigh’s defense team , an investigative memo from Nichols’s defense team , Al Martin’s The Conspirators, and David Hoffman’s The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror) reference claims of Moore’s involvement in an abortive Oliver North-led operation to mine Nicaraguan harbors. This raises the question of whether Moore might have been one of the CIA/CMA members that Clarridge was condemned for protecting. Regardless of the answer to that, it is clear that CMA, the paramilitary group that Roger Moore associated with, had extensive ties to the CIA in its early years. After Iran-Contra was exposed, CMA outwardly reconfigured as a white supremacist extremist militia , but, just like Roger Moore’s analogous pivot from government employment to government hatred, it is difficult to take CMA’s apparent change at face value given the organization’s documented history of government support.
FBI documents  that were revealed in response to a FOIA request made by Edmund Berger demonstrate that CMA members were meeting in 1984 and 1985 with several anti-Castro Cuban exile groups to coordinate aid to the Contras. The anti-Castro groups that appear in the documents include Alpha 66, Omega 7, and Cuban Brigade 2506, each  of  which  was originally founded, trained, and armed by the CIA. Collaboration between CMA and these groups during Iran Contra might explain how it came to be that McVeigh once delivered weapons on Moore’s behalf, “including a rocket launcher, 4 or 5 boxes of ‘product’: smoke and CS grenades, flairs and exotic ammunition” , to a group in the Florida Everglades training for a coup against Fidel Castro. According to McVeigh, Moore had also made numerous trips to Florida to deliver weaponry to the group in the months and years beforehand. Although the date of McVeigh’s delivery is not known, investigative journalist J.D. Cash’s timeline  of the Oklahoma City bombing lists McVeigh as making a call on August 31, 1994 from Pensacola, Florida, which happens to be the city where McVeigh says he handed off the weapons for the anti-Castro plotters to Roger Moore’s wife Carol (it should be noted that the timeline also refers to Pensacola as Tim’s mother’s hometown, suggesting Tim may have been there for family reasons, though his mother appears to have lived in a different city until 1998 ).
As it happens, the same day McVeigh was in Pensacola, the St. Petersburg Times published a story  reporting that several Cuban exile groups were actively training in the Everglades for imminent attacks on Cuba. Of these groups (which included the aforementioned CIA- and CMA-tied Alpha 66 and Brigade 2506), Partido de Unidad Nacional Democratico (PUND) was said in the report to be among the most active, “with hundreds training daily” in the swamps. PUND had received law enforcement attention multiple times in the preceding years, including seizures of arsenals from its Everglades base  and from a boat crewed with PUND affiliates bound for Cuba . In October of 1994, just a couple months after Tim’s visit to Pensacola, seven members of the group launched an ill-fated attack on Cuba that ended in the death of a fisherman and the capture of the attackers by Cuban authorities . Although it is impossible to say for sure to which group McVeigh’s delivery went, PUND’s location in the Everglades, abundant weaponry, and the relatively major attack they launched in late 1994 are all consistent with McVeigh’s account of delivering arms to “people in the Everglades who were training to overthrow Castro” and who Moore had been supplying for years beforehand . Suggesting a significant intelligence connection, PUND counted at least two “former” CIA operatives among its membership: Frank Sturgis, Watergate burglar who served as the group’s “counterintelligence chief”  until his death in late 1993 , and Luis Posada Carriles , who among other things is credited with the bombing of Cubana de Aviación Flight 455, which resulted in the deaths of 73 civilians . Whether Moore and McVeigh were providing weapons to PUND, Alpha 66, Brigade 2506, or some other anti-Castro exile group, this nexus provides another example of Moore’s association with CIA-adjacent organizations, bolstering the credibility of claims about Moore’s CIA affiliation.
Finally, let’s examine a curious, highly redacted cable from the office of the CIA’s deputy director of operations (DDO). The DDO is the head of the CIA’s Directorate of Operations, which “serves as the clandestine arm of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the national authority for the coordination, de-confliction, and evaluation of clandestine operations across the Intelligence Community of the United States”–no lightweight. So it is fascinating to see that in January of 1997 he sent a cable to the FBI with the subject line: “< OKLAHOMA> CITY BOMBING - ROGER EDWIN ((MOORE))” . Strangely, despite being posted publicly by the CIA in their online Reading Room, this communication seems to have flown under the radar of the Oklahoma City bombing researchers I have spoken to, with primary document experts like Richard Booth and J.M. Berger telling me that they had never seen it until I showed it to them. The document indicates that it was approved for release in 2005, but it likely remained largely inaccessible to the public until 2017, when the CIA’s CREST database was put online.
The document, which originally received a “SECRET” classification, is heavily redacted, but the material that is visible is still quite revealing, and we can even learn something from the redactions themselves. Near the top of the cable, there is an alert: “WARNING NOTICE - INTELLIGENCE SOURCES OR METHODS INVOLVED.” Approximately the first third of the body of the communication is whited out, followed by a mostly-un-redacted section, labeled as the third bulletpoint in a list, summarizing news reports on Moore that cast doubt on the veracity of his stories about the robbery and question whether he might have been operating as a government informant. This short section is then followed by another redacted section, which also takes up about a third of the body of the document. Each redacted section is marked with the symbols “(b)(1)” and “(b)(3)”, which are codes for exemptions that a government agency can invoke to avoid disclosing sensitive information in response to Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests . Exemption (b)(3) is uninformative without the Vaughn index that accompanied this FOIA disclsoure, as it simply means that some other statute was cited to justify excluding certain information , but exemption (b)(1) is notable. The FBI’s page explaining FOIA exemptions describes redaction code (b)(1) as follows:
“(A) Specifically authorized under criteria by an executive order to be kept secret in the interest of national defense or foreign policy and (B) are in fact properly classified to such Executive Order #12958 (3/25/03)”
In other words, the government cited concerns about about “national defense or foreign policy” to avoid publicly disclosing information about Roger Moore—a man who provided money and explosive detonators to Timothy McVeigh—that the CIA’s DDO cabled to the FBI in relation to the Oklahoma City bombing. This cable was deemed sensitive enough to receive a “SECRET” classification and to merit a warning about intelligence sources and methods described therein. What might be hidden in those redacted sections? It seems very likely that at least one of the redacted bulletpoints is related to Moore’s involvement with CMA. One wonders if that’s all they decided they needed to hide from prying eyes, but regardless of the answer to that question, this cable seems to solidify the argument that Roger Moore had a relationship with the CIA.
It is eyebrow-raising that a CIA-affiliated arms dealer helped McVeigh acquire funding and explosives that were used in the Oklahoma City bombing, but on its own this connection could be written off as a coincidence. After all, there are plenty of CIA contractors scurrying around, and surely some of the more evil ones are happy to put their particular set of mass murder-related skills to use independently of the Agency. But, as it turns out, Roger Moore is not the only fellow with CIA connections to cross paths with Timothy McVeigh and potentially play a role in the bombing of the Murrah building, which brings us to Andreas Strassmeir, whose interesting work will be discussed in a future installment.
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Lots of people have helped with this article. First and most importantly, I’d like to thank Richard Booth (Twitter: @booth_okc) for being an endless fount of information and encouragement while I was writing this, for providing the excellent images of Roger Moore in the essay, and especially for compiling the enormous OKC bombing archive, hosted on Scott Horton’s Libertarian Institute website, which I cite heavily (and thanks to Scott as well for hosting such an amazing archive). Further thanks to: Edmund Berger (Twitter: @EBBerger) for granting me access to his FOIA’d FBI documents demonstrating contact between CMA and CIA-backed anti-Castro Cuban groups; Nelson Martins (aka Thermal Detonator, Twitter: @DJThermalD) of Truther TV for first pointing out the possibility that PUND was the anti-Castro group Moore was providing weapons to and for sending me several of the newspaper articles about PUND cited in this piece; Anonymous Twitter User @Marina0swald for providing me with the information and sourcing on CMA/CIA contracts facilitated by John Negroponte; Bill (Twitter: @BTH_bill) for first piquing my interest in the subject of the Oklahoma City bombing with his Twitter thread about Wendy Painting’s incredible book Aberration in the Heartland of the Real and for being a sounding board and source of information; and Dr. Wendy Painting (Twitter: @birdwendy2) for writing the best book in existence on the life of Timothy McVeigh.
 Jonathan Herseley, Mark Jessie, and James Judd. Fbi 302 on roger e. moore. May 1995. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1995_05_27-FBI-302_D-9256-Roger_MOORE-11pgs.pdf.
 Mark Jessie and Steven Crutchfield. Fbi 302 on karen garland anderson. Apr 1995. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1995_04_29-FBI-302_D-811-Karen_ANDERSON_5pgs.pdf.
 Amber Mclaughlin. Mcveigh defense memo, subject: “visit with tim on january 15, 1996”. Jan 1996. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1996_01_16-JONES_MEMO-Amber_Mclaughlin_interview_w_Tim_partial_6_pgs-OCR.pdf.
 Terry Nichols. Declaration of terry lynn nichols. 2007. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/2007_02_09-DISTRICT_COURT_UTAH-Declaration_of_Terry_Nichols_w_exhibits_58pgs.pdf.
 John Hough. Nichols defense memo, subject: “re: The enigma of roger moore”. Dec 1996. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1996_12_18-TIGAR_MEMO-Roger_ Moore_12pgs-OCR.pdf.
 Roland Leeds. Nichols defense memo, subject: “re: Interview with corporal ronald f. karchefski”. Dec 1996. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1996_12_10-TIGAR_MEMO-Interview_Corporal_Karchefski_Moore_Robbery-OCR.pdf.
 US secret service timeline of the oklahoma city bombing. May 1995. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1995_05_01-USSS_Timeline_129pp_OCR.pdf.
 John Hough. Nichols defense memo, subject: ”re: Financial assets of roger moore”. Jan 1997. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1996_01_16-TIGAR_MEMO-Alliance_svcs-Financial_assets_of_Roger_Moore.pdf.
 Richard Serrano. Conspirator details allegations about oklahoma bombing. Los Angeles Times, May 2005. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2005-may-06-na-okcbomb6-story.html.
 subject: ”Interview with Timothy James McVeigh F.C.I. El Reno McVeigh defense memo. Dec 1995. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1995_12_27-DEFENSE_MEMO-Rob_NIGH_visit_w_McVeigh_re_ROGER_MOORE.pdf.
 Roland Leeds. Nichols defense memo, subject: ”re: Roger moore”. Oct 1996. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1996_10_10-TIGAR_MEMO-Alliance_Svcs_Roland_Leeds_Roger_Moore_overview_11pgs.pdf.
 North american aviation. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_American_Aviation.
 Associated Press. Deseret News, Sep 1989. http://web.archive.org/web/20211113203413/https:/www.deseret.com/1989/9/25/18825272/utah-man-3-others-arrested-in-federal-sting.
 David Hoffman. The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror. Feral House, Apr 1998.
 Roger Charles. Prior warning: Could the feds have stopped the oklahoma city bombing? Soldier of Fortune, Nov 1997. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/MAG-1997_11-Soldier_of_Fortune-Prior_Warning_pt1_by_Roger_Charles_OCR.pdf.
 Jeff Gerth. Pentagon linking secret army unit to contra money. New York Times, Apr 1987. http://web.archive.org/web/20220905170909/https://www.nytimes.com/1987/04/22/world/pentagon-linking-secret-army-unit-to-contra-money.html.
 Pete Yost. Whistle blower claims harassment. Associated Press, Oct 1989. http://web.archive.org/web/20220925181434/https://apnews.com/article/
 Tim Weiner. Inquiry threatens a whistle-blower. New York Times, Jun 1993. http://web.archive.org/web/20220925181915/https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/17/us/inquiry-threatens-a-whistle-blower.html.
 J.M. Berger. Patcon: The fbi’s secret war against the ‘patriot’ movement, and how infiltration tactics relate to radicalizing influences. new america. New America Foundation, May 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep10506.
 Dana Beyerle and Bill Lohmann. Paramilitary group has controversial history. United Press International, Jul 1986. http://web.archive.org/web/20171122193126/https:/www.upi.com/Archives/
 Robert Manor. Secret base 2 detail u.s. plan to assist contras. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Jul 1988. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/0EB3286556CDBCAB.
 R.M. Schneiderman. I was an undercover white supremacist (pre-edit). Newsweek, Nov. 2011. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/MAG-2011_11_28-Newsweek-I_Was_an_Undercover_White_Supremacist_PATCON_ORIGINAL_UNREDACTED_COPY.pdf.
 Stephen J. Hedges. Memo is mercenary who’s who contras’ helpers are a mixed bunch. Miami Herald, Apr 1987. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/0EB36720D04EF8B8.
 Alfonso Chardy. North memos tell of secret contra aid. Miami Herald, May 1987. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/0EB367508E418F4A.
 The Associated Press. Fbi reportedly probes contras on drugs, guns. Sun-Sentinel, Apr 1986. https://apnews.com/article/4c28d082f93d4d08d4fc2b41a968a1f4.
 United Press International. Top cia official forced to retire during iran-contra ‘housecleaning ’. Houston Chronicle, Sep 1987. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=
 Amber McLaughlin. Mcveigh defense memo, subject: ”conference with lawrence myers on february 6-7, 1996”. Mar 1996. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1996_03_14-JONES_MEMO-Conference_w_Lawrence_Myers.txt.
 Ed Berger. Fbi documents on cma released by foia. https://mega.nz/fm/Ms0zVI5S.
 Ana Veciana-Suarez. Reflections on the life of antonio veciana, who was my father first. Miami Herald, Jun 2020. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/documentview?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=
 Newsweek Staff. Terror watch: Hypocrisy? Newsweek, May 2005. http://web.archive.org/web/20211123233020/https:/www.newsweek.com/terror-watch-hypocrisy-119139.
 Brigade 2506. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brigade_2506.
 J.D. Cash. Okbomb timeline. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/J.D._CASH_OKBOMB_TIMELINE2-WithColorFont.doc.
 Nolan Clay. Mother says: ’i’m a victim’ mcveigh’s mom says life was strange after bombing. The Oklahoman, Dec 1999. https://www.oklahoman.com/article/2677538/mother-says-im-a-victim-mcveighs-mom-says-life-was-strange-after-bombing.
 Cuban paramilitary exiles plan final assault on castro. St. Petersburg Times, Aug 1994. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/0EB52CF8DA3B8C0C.
 Alfonso Chardy and Jannice Reyes. Weapons at anti-castro base seized. Miami Herald, March 1993.
 Richard Wallace and Rachel L. Swarns. Arsenal found on boat near cuba. Miami Herald, Feb 1993.
 David Hancock. Havana captures 7 exiles. Miami Herald, Oct 1994. infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/0EB4D0ADAF605EF3.
 Alfonso Chardy and Jannice Reyes. Exile paramilitary group gearing up to fight castro. Miami Herald, Feb 1993.
 Frank sturgis. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Sturgis.
 Cubana de aviacion flight 455. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cubana_de_Aviacion_Flight_455.
 Cable from cia ddo to fbi re: Roger moore. Jan 1997. https://libertarianinstitute.org/documents/1997_01_XX-CIA-cable_from_CIA_to_FBI_re_Roger_MOORE.pdf.
 Foia exemptions. https://vault.fbi.gov/explanation-of-exemptions.
Finally, numbered in-text citations failed to appear for the following three books cited in this essay:
 W.S. Painting. Aberration in the Heartland of the Real: The Secret Lives of Timothy McVeigh. Trine Day, 2016.
 K. Burke. Revolutionaries for the Right: Anticommunist Internationalism and Paramilitary Warfare in the Cold War. New Cold War History. University of North Carolina Press, 2018.
 A. Gumbel and R.G. Charles. Oklahoma City: What the Investigation Missed–and Why It Still Matters. Harper-Collins, 2013.
I've been looking for someone to really do a deep dive and expand on the teaser picture of Roger Moore that comes from Andrew Gumble's book. Really great work you've done here.
already the best thing on substack